The snag in Iran is that those who wish to make a deal dare not do so because they lack a popular street base within the Khomeinist movement.

A dictatorial regime that publicly tolerates calls for the assassination of the president of the United States cannot be treated as just another difficult adversary.

Ankara has openly hosted Hamas leaders, praised the Oct. 7 massacre, allowed flotillas to depart for Gaza from Turkish territory and made hostility toward Israel a centerpiece of its foreign policy.

Officials from the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Kuwait reportedly resent being sidelined during the negotiations and complain that they were largely excluded from discussions that directly affect their security.

Here is the truth: no signing ceremony changes, and it carries no insult to the campaign: no agreement, not this one and not a better one, can permanently guarantee that Iran never builds a bomb.

The relationship between Jerusalem and Washington is too close, too strategic, and too deeply integrated for either side to imagine that Hezbollah’s aggression should go unanswered.

Trump prefers an agreement to another prolonged war, but he also understands that an agreement reached through weakness can produce an even greater conflict.

The American goal in Middle Eastern conflicts usually is for its allies—including Israel—to successfully defend themselves and then to reestablish peace in the region as quickly as possible.

The truce touted by Trump will not end any of those wars, none of which is likely to end unless Iran breaks with Khomeinism and chooses another trajectory.

At different moments, he warned of devastating consequences for Iran, then hours later claimed the regime was ready to negotiate and desperate for a deal.

The message, along with other documents seized by the IDF over the past two years, exposes extensive strategic coordination between Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran.