Trump's detractors do exactly what he did in a 2019 tweet by exaggerating the cost of the war and dismissing its results as not worth a candle.

Democrats have given a person whose most important issue was demonizing Jewish participation in American politics a narrow plurality.

The Board of Peace released its 15-point roadmap on July 31 after President Donald Trump announced that Hamas had accepted a disarmament framework.

The assumption that the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza or ISF would be able to prevent terrorists from regaining control over the stored weapons is totally misleading.

Even when peace is plainly out of reach, there remains a temptation to repeat the language of peace, present it as political theater and persuade ourselves that military victory is impossible.

Locking Iran within its borders, if implemented, could be a challenge that Iran is unprepared to meet.

The Iranian regime knows that the Arab Gulf states remain deeply terrified of full-scale regional escalation.

Any so-called technocratic Gaza government would have to demonstrate authentic opposition to Hamas rather than serve as its civilian facade.

There has been little to no news coverage of the use of child soldiers in mainstream Western English-speaking media.

While Secretary of State Marco Rubio doubles down on Hillary Clinton’s Somalia policy, there simply is no way to win the war without Somaliland.

Demonizing Israel has become a cheap tactic to rally supporters, exploit grievances and turn ancient hatred into political capital.

Israel has shifted refuelers that had been stationed at Ben-Gurion Airport to southern Israeli bases and Ramon Airport to avoid disruptions to international flights.

Also ignored was the context that the Jewish people had experienced a genocide in Europe, in which six million were murdered and the world had refused to take most refugees.

Political upheaval, or even a violent overthrow of the monarchy, could one day place uranium enrichment facilities, nuclear scientists, and weapons-grade materials into the hands of Islamist terrorists.

Netanyahu’s previous trip to Washington took place in February, two weeks before the joint U.S.-Israeli attack on Iran known as 'Operation Roaring Lion/Epic Fury.'

He’s not an ordinary, left-wing politician. He’s a rabid Islamic extremist.

Iran's pattern is clear: escalate, absorb strikes, then call for talks by mediators from Qatar, Oman, Pakistan, or other Muslim Brotherhood allies that are trying to buy Iran time.

If Mamdani were to publish a map of neighborhoods 'from the river to the sea' and associated ethnicities, he would no doubt replicate the methodology he applied to his New York City map.

The United Nations was founded to make atrocities costly for those who commit or enable them but instead built a machine that absorbs those costs internally.

Araghchi claimed that the Gulf Arab states’ inability to respond to Iranian attacks changed 'the region’s whole security architecture.'

After almost half a century, it must now be clear to all that the Khomeinist regime is incapable of reforming itself unless it is for the worse.

While Ali Khamenei had consolidated absolute power, in his absence, Khatami appears to believe all bets are off.

In 2025, Iran’s shadow fleet averaged nearly 1.6 million barrels of oil per day, largely destined for China, generating $48 billion.

Against enemies of this kind, deterrence cannot be relied upon. Only prevention and the denial of capabilities can provide real security.

The revenge rhetoric following Khamenei’s funeral has become a defining theme across Iran’s official media and political establishment.

The snag in Iran is that those who wish to make a deal dare not do so because they lack a popular street base within the Khomeinist movement.

A dictatorial regime that publicly tolerates calls for the assassination of the president of the United States cannot be treated as just another difficult adversary.

Ankara has openly hosted Hamas leaders, praised the Oct. 7 massacre, allowed flotillas to depart for Gaza from Turkish territory and made hostility toward Israel a centerpiece of its foreign policy.

Morocco carries no Hamas relationship to protect and no mediator role to balance.

Citing 'reliable research estimates,' the PA stated in December 2025 that Hamas had raised no less than '$11 billion,' which the terror organization had spent filling its own warehouses 'to the brim' rather than spending it on Gazans.

For Palestinians, UNRWA has become the international symbol of their demand that the remaining Palestinian refugees of 1948 and millions of their descendants be allowed to settle inside Israel.

Beirut’s alignment with Israel, under American sponsorship and mediation, denied Iran 'the right to intervene in Lebanon and to create a linkage between it and Iran.'

So long as Iran's ruthless IRGC military regime is in place, there will not be real compliance or real peace.

Where the Islamabad MOU treated Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon as the precondition, the Trilateral Framework inverts the order.

In practice, what this means is that if the Lebanese government and armed forces fail to achieve this goal, the US commits by the framework agreement not to pressure Israel to withdraw.

The lesson from all three—Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran—is that terrorist organizations do not surrender their weapons because diplomats ask them to.

Sanctions relief and investment may influence tactical decisions, but they have never altered the regime's strategic objectives.

A restored Iran would intensify pressure on neighbors, rebuild alliances with proxy militias, and pursue vengeance against external opponents.

Following the conflict, prices for many fertilizer products have increased six- to seven-fold, creating additional pressure on Iran’s already weak agricultural sector.

Trump's experience of making peace in Gaza should also serve as a warning about Iran's willingness to comply with his peace demands.